| Abstract: | Using the methodology of critical discourse analysis (CDA), I propose to analyze the reasons behind the reproduction of the global discourse of neoliberal development, which occurs in this story via the proposed establishment of the POSCO project. I argue that such an arrangement is the reason behind the threat to the right to life and violations of the right to development and livelihood of one’s choice of the villagers to be affected by the establishment of POSCO. On the face of it, the final forest clearance given to the POSCO project by the State seems like a decision within the parameters of Indian law. However a deconstruction of development along the lines of the post development school reveals that the functioning of the Land Acquisition Act 1894 and the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, give a legal veneer to the rights violating development policy of the state. This is aided by the public discourse created by the Odisha and the Central Government in India. The proposed generation of a vast number of jobs as a result of the POSCO plant, are the benefits that have been claimed to result from the project. However, the uncertainties of a new livelihood and a limited compensation package make it doubtful whether the project affected villagers will benefit from this projected common good. Interviews with villagers at the proposed plant site revealed that the anti POSCO villagers, wanted development of their choice to come about, in a manner that was participatory. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3725 |
| Abstract: | Abstract: Defending the right to privacy is a growing concern in modern society as surveillance, as a formidable weapon in the “war on terror”, becomes more intrusive with every passing year. In order to effectively defend the right to privacy one must know what privacy actually is. Privacy does not have one universal definition, but is a concept that has evolved though varied socio-cultural and historical circumstances, and is constantly being re-contextualised. This paper aims to discuss and compare various conceptions of privacy, and the right to privacy, with a focus on challenges brought about by technological developments and surveillance. In addition it aims to analyse the implications of surveillance on the right to privacy, with a particular emphasis on video surveillance. In order to reach these goals the paper compares and discusses various academic conceptualisations of privacy, and analyses the discourse surrounding two examples of video surveillance, CCTV coverage of London and the use of covert video surveillance against Arne Treholt, a former bureau chief of the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Many varied aspects of privacy are considered, with emphasis placed onto two distinct conceptions of privacy; an inherent-value based conception which views privacy as a goal in itself, which is necessary for full human development, and an exchange based conception which views privacy in terms of an exchange, where personal data is disclosed in return for societal goods and benefits. Privacy is conceived as the control of one’s own personal data at the most basic level, while surveillance is the process of recording private data; they are antagonistic contradictions. Using the examples, the paper attempts to reconcile surveillance with privacy; an exchange conception of privacy can accept derogations to the right to privacy in return for more security, although only if based upon a fair exchange, something the video surveillance regimes in the example likely do not provide. The paper concludes with some policy recommendations regarding increased regulation and transparency of surveillance. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3511 |
| Abstract: | Human rights abuses targeted towards LGBT persons constitute a global pattern of serious concern. Despite the fact that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity is prohibited by various international, regional and national legal provisions, prejudices and stereotypes related to LGBT people significantly impede the implementation of non-discrimination laws. This study focuses on contemporary Serbia, and attempts to understand the role of public discourse in inciting and perpetuating homophobia. The aim of the study is to analyse whether and how Serbian nationalist myths influence homophobia, as well as to determine which elements of the Serbian public discourse represent hate speech targeted towards sexual minorities. This study uses discourse analysis as the main methodological and analytical tool, and focuses primarily on the discourses that emerged around three main events: the adoption of the first comprehensive anti-discrimination law in March 2009, the cancellation of the Belgrade Pride in September 2009, and the Pride parade held in Belgrade in October 2010. The study concludes that the Serbian public discourse – namely, the discourse of the Serbian politicians, the Serbian Orthodox Church and the mainstream media – is still deeply imbued with nationalist myths and stereotypes from the past, which contribute greatly to the perception of sexual minorities as the enemies of the nation and the society. The study also assesses that hate messages against LGBT people are frequent and widespread in Serbian society, and that the hate speech laws are not adequately implemented. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3510 |
| Abstract: | Morocco illegally occupies the non-self-governing territory of Western Sahara, and they are strategically exploiting the natural resources rightfully belonging to the local Saharawi people. Both of these actions are in violation of international law and fundamental human rights. Norwegian companies have been complicit in Morroco‟s trade in natural resources thereby legitimising the occupation and exploitation in political, legal, moral and economic terms. In this context this thesis investigates the approach of the Norwegian government, companies and civil society organisations to Western Sahara, exploring how effective these approaches have been in practice. The dichotomy between voluntary and regulatory approaches has steered the Norwegian approach, giving human rights a mainly normative role within the discourse of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). This thesis seeks to challenge the dichotomy apparent in the Norwegian system, by opting for a more interrelated view on legal and normative ways to regulate businesses. It shows that the Norwegian government‟s policy of discouraging business activities in Western Sahara is passive and ambiguous. Furthermore, the Norwegian policy-apparatus‟ understanding of CSR prevents it from seeking alternative and effective measures. The government is also overlooking the indirect effects policies generally understood as outside the purview of CSR have on the situation in Western Sahara. This study discusses how civil society has played an innovative role in changing corporate behavior and business ethics, by drawing public attention to corporate actions in the context of emerging norms and social expectations. However, the government should not leave the important task of holding companies accountable solely to the voluntary sector, but enhance, strengthen and reinforce both legal and normative incentives. To solve the situation in Western Sahara, the world community must seek to break the link between occupation and economic gain, and governments must proactively engage companies to go beyond compliance with human rights. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3509 |
| Abstract: | Recent peace processes have led to the demobilisation of tens of thousands of children from armed groups around the world. An understanding of the initial motivations and subsequent experiences of these children is crucial in ensuring that their needs are met once they are safe from harm. This understanding is largely informed by the work of international human rights organisations (HROs). While these organisations are working for the good of the children, they will also always have an element of self-interest in sustaining their activities. This study draws upon an analytical framework that combines elements of framing theory and discourse analysis. Using this framework as both a theoretical and methodological tool, the study examines how the understanding of child soldiers is constructed by leading HROs, particularly with respect to their exercise of agency, and seeks to critique these representations against alternative perspectives. The dissertation then explores both the potential ways in which the discourse could be seen to work in the interests of the organisations by appealing to various social structures and the extent to which it serves the best interest of the child. The study concludes by arguing that the HRO discourse is not dismissive of agency, but that the impact of their work on the well-being of demobilised child soldiers would benefit from the adoption of a more direct and consistent approach in this regard. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3508 |
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