| Abstract: | In Adjelhoc, women, in most cases, prefer to stay at home throughout their entire pregnancy and to get help in childbirth only from traditional midwives, even if they live near a community health centre which could provide them with modern care. To lessen the gap between the community and the local health workers, DDRK is currently supporting six traditional midwives in Adjelhoc in acquiring modern skills and equipment. Collaborating with DDRK these traditional midwives have been given a new task as middle-persons between the community and professional health workers of bringing women to the health centre both for antenatal visits and for childbirth. The integration of traditional midwives into the local health system is seen as beneficial for health workers. However, traditional midwives, who have always been highly respected because of their knowledge and the vital assistance they offer the community are now having their status threatened due to the reluctance of local women to visit the health centre (especially in earlier stages of their pregnancy). Traditional midwives find themselves in an ambiguous position between the professional health sector (health centre and DDRK) and the community. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3659 |
| Abstract: | The Great Patriotic War was one of the cruelest wars of the twentieth century. Especially great suffering in the USSR it brought to children. They grew up very quickly. This generation did not have childhood; their childhood was embedded in the war. Keeping their war memories alive Galina and Slava Lebedevy as one of the representatives of this generation decided to establish an organization named "Children burnt by war" in Arkhangelsk putting as their main aim the transmission of their knowledge to young generations as a means of creating continuity in society. My initial hypothesis when starting my research was that the war was a major social event that had a decisive influence on the formation of the identities of the elderly people who experienced the war in their early childhood, and that this could be seen as the motivation behind the establishment of this organization. As I started to analyze their narratives and follow their lifelines I discovered that there were other important factors involved. The creation of the organization of the Lebedevys was also a way of adaptation to new conditions of life: lacking support from the state after the breakdown of the USSR they started their struggle for social justice to enhance the life of the people of their generation. They wanted to restore their position in the new society, to regain dignity and counteract the rapidly decreasing respect from the younger generations. Through the establishment of the organization, they have become actively involved themselves into the political life of the city and the country in order to be heard, understood and recognized. Today their organization has a very important meaning and brings positive motivation to the lives of the elderly in Arkhangelsk. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3460 |
| Abstract: | I studied migrant fishermen and their social life in Londji Plage in South of Cameroon. It was to analyze how migrant fishermen integrated the life, how the commercialization of fish is organized, the migrant’s careers, the role of canoe owner’s wives and fishermen’s wives in the economy and the relation between migrant and state bureaucracy. The fishing activity is completely modernized by Nigerian fishermen; they brought new canoes, nets and out board motors. Canoe owners and fishermen are always in conflict, canoe owners accuse fishermen to steal the catch as we see in the film and fishermen also are complaining about the relation between canoe owners and buyers. It is a personal conflict between them. There are differentiation between Nigerians and fishermen from the North in their careers. Nigerians fishermen have an advantage to be canoe owners by inheritance and replacement in the fishing activity. Fishing is a way of livelihood for Nigerian migrant fishermen and has being their occupation for generations. It is difficult for fishermen from the North to be canoe owners because most of them become fishermen in Londji Plage but Hassan is one of the migrants from the North who has a canoe. Northerners can be canoe owners by saving money and collecting the fishing equipment. To integrate the local community migrant fishermen also use interethnic marriage. The wives of canoe owners and fishermen are also involved in the commercialization of fish particularly smoked fish, roasted fish and fried fish. They contribute to the economy of the family and household. In spite of their integration in the life, migrant fishermen from Nigeria are threatened by the police and they have to pay the resident permit each year. But to get access to the fish resource they negotiate with the representative of Minepia and the transaction is beneficial to each other. Keywords: Migrant, fishermen, social field, actors, fishing activity. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3456 |
| Abstract: | The thesis is about immigrant pupils in Sogn School in Oslo, where my aim was to discover different form of belonging. The school’s role when it comes to integration, varied for the different actors, both in terms of establishing social relations, and in terms of acquiring knowledge. My general finding is that young immigrants establish social relations to other young immigrants. For most of the pupils I got to know well, I was their only native Norwegian friend. Still, the different immigrant pupils generated groups and social relations based on different criteria as language, age, school ambition, gender, interests and nationality. I ended up following two groups of troublemakers in class. The first group, The Serbs, was made up of two boys: Javor (20) from Serbia and Dimitiar (20) from Serbia. The second group was made up of Sifaw (18) from Morocco, Andre (18) from Portugal, Bernard (16) from Poland and Diana (17) from Lithuania. I looked what into what troublemaking meant for group belonging and identity negotiation. The Serbs had established group belonging based on their Serbian identity and language, but also a shared feeling of being marginalized. They felt too old and too qualified to be in the class. The troublemaking behavior was generated in the school context, and has to be understood in terms of their marginalized position. Even though The Serbs seemed to be a strong group that had developed a close relationship, their relationship was not relevant outside school. The Ping-Pongers were the only group in class that was part of a social field that included social arenas outside school. They negotiated shared identities by making sure they would all participate in the same activities. They were part of a social field where they had the opportunities and the places to be together on a daily basis, where meanings were attached to their relationship in an ongoing process. The actors in the group participated in troublemaking with different meanings and motivations. They were perceived of as lacking “social competence”. But Sifaw did not lack social competence; he lacked the required skills to take part in the learning activities. Sifaw participated in the only activity in class were he could make use of his skills and get recognition from his friends. Andre and Diana were not lacking the required skills to take part in the learning activities, but they did not feel they were in a normal school, and did not take it serious. Bernard felt excluded from the Norwegian society and did not want to be in a school were he had to learn Norwegian language and culture. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3452 |
| Abstract: | This thesis deals with observing how returnee ex-combatants re-integrate and live again in their societies and communities after being accepted by their community members. The reintegration of ex-combatants has been a major subject in the current development of post war Sierra Leone. It is in fact, one of the major challenges confronting the country. This thesis will, for the most part, be focussing on what happens to an ex-combatant after undergoing a traditional reconciliation ceremony and has returned to live with his family and community members. Using one ex-combatant as my main informant, I sought to find out what happens to an ex-combatant after he/she has been allowed to go back and start living among his people again. |
| URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/10037/3446 |
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