Master's theses in theoretical linguistics

Oroch vowel harmony

Tolskaya, Inna Konstantinovna — 2008-03-31T22:00:00Z

Tolskaya, Inna Konstantinovna
In this paper I examine vowel harmony in Oroch, a recently extinct Manchu-Tungusic language. Oroch vowels are subject to the interplay of retracted tongue root (RTR) harmony and rounding harmony. The two kinds of harmony have contrasting effects on neutral vowels. The front vowels /i/ and / æ/ are transparent to RTR harmony, while the vowels /i/, /æ/, /ʊ/ and /u/ are opaque to rounding harmony. Crucially, if the root contains only neutral vowels /i/ and /æ/, the RTR feature of the suffix is unpredictable. There are several works on Manchu-Tungusic Vowel Harmony, though none of them deal directly with Oroch. Kaun (1995) offers an analysis of languages with similar rounding harmonies in terms of phonetically grounded Optimality Theory (OT). Li (1996) offers a combination of feature architecture and OT, while Zhang (1996) uses contrastive feature specification. However, none of these analyses have an explanation for the distribution of RTR features on suffixes attached to neutral roots. This paper puts forth a Stratal OT analysis of Oroch vowel harmony, along the lines of Kiparsky (2000). The neutral vowels are assumed to be subject to RTR harmony at the stem level, where the most harmonic candidate wins, but at the word level there is a constraint against [i] bearing [+RTR] feature and against [æ] bearing [−RTR] feature; thus on the surface the effect of RTR harmony is undone on transparent vowels. Thus, the transparency of the neutral vowels is predicted, as well as the distribution of suffixes with neutral roots, the underlying RTR specification of which spreads onto suffixes at the stem level. This is supported by the fact that in related languages, where both [+RTR] and [−RTR] versions of the front vowels exist, the RTR features of the root coincide with the features of the Oroch suffixes. In addition, the Stratal OT approach allows avoiding unmotivated contrast in the ranking of *GAP constraint for RTR and rounding harmony, required by other analyses to derive the transparency vs. opacity effects of these two harmonies. On the contrary, my Stratal analysis obeys strict locality, i.e. preading is restricted to adjacent segments. Thus, the problems encountered by previous approaches do not arise under the Stratal approach, which allows a more economic account of the Oroch vowel harmony in terms of a small set of necessary and phonetically grounded constraints, with a coherent ranking predicting the transparency with respect to RTR harmony, opacity with respect to rounding harmony, and suffix harmony triggered by the neutral roots.
Del av mastergradsoppgave. Utgjør sammen med: "Unifying prepositions and prefixes in Russian : conceptual structure versus syntax" forfatterens Master's thesis in theoretical linguistics.

Unifying prepositions and prefixes in Russian : conceptual structure versus syntax

Tolskaya, Inna Konstantinovna — 2008-03-31T22:00:00Z

Tolskaya, Inna Konstantinovna
At first glance, the variety of possible denotations of a given prefix might appear a chaotic set of idiomatic meanings, e.g. the prefix `za-´ may refer to the beginning of an action, movement to a position behind an object, a brief deviation from a path, or completion of an action. I propose a unified analysis of prefixes, where the differences in meaning are claimed to arise from different syntactic positions, while the lexical entry of a prefix remains the same. The main focus is on the verbs of motion due to the consistent duality displayed by the prefix meanings when added to directional and non-directional motion verbs. It turns out that prefixes modify path when added onto a directional motion verb and refer to movement in time with non-directional motion verbs. This semantic distinction corresponds to distinct sets of syntactic properties, characteristic of the lexical and superlexical prefixes. Furthermore, a tripartite division emerges in each set of prefixes, corresponding to source, path, and goal of motion (FROM, VIA and TO) for lexical prefixes and to beginning, duration and completion for superlexical prefixes. This leads to the suggestion that the same prefix with a consistent conceptual meaning, shared with the corresponding preposition, receives part of its denotation from its position in the syntactic representation. The separation of conceptual meaning from the structural meaning allows the polysemy to arise from position, rather than from arbitrary homophony. Thus, conceptual structure is unified with syntax.
Del av mastergradsoppgave. Utgjør sammen med: "Oroch vowel harmony" forfatterens Master's thesis in theoretical linguistics

Infinitival complementation in Russian

Arylova, Aysa — 2006-06-18T22:00:00Z

Arylova, Aysa
I am considering a number of recent theories of control against the evidence presented by Russian infinitives to see which theory provides us with a better account of the data. The theories considered are: 1) the intricate mechanism of control relations developed in Landau (2000); 2) the neat pattern of infinitival restructuring described in Wurmbrand (2001); 3) the relentless disposal of structure in subject-control infinitives implemented by Babby (1998) and 4) the blunt change of perspective first put forward in Hornstein (1999). Each theory makes strong predictions about the behaviour of infinitival clauses w.r.t. certain properties – observing those properties in interaction I am going to conclude that a restructuring approach is the most capable candidate so far.

Deriving asymmetry in Swedish and Icelandic inflexional paradigms

Buchanan, Charles Harley — 2007-06-03T22:00:00Z

Buchanan, Charles Harley
The present thesis sets out to address explicanda which appeal to a notion of gaps vis-à-vis inflexional paradigms and further pose a challenge of modelling within contemporary generative phonology. Albright (2006) discerns phonotactically-motivated and lexically-arbitrary paradigm gaps. The former case serves as a repair strategy mandating circumvention of a surface-illicit configuration (i.e., ill-formedness); whereas the latter case sees the emergence of gaps alongside structurally analogous forms wherein no such gaps occur. Enquiry into the aforementioned phenomena will draw empirically on Swedish -ddt clustering and Icelandic imperative formation, respectively. A generalised phonological account will be pursued ad rem in the Swedish case study such that constraints relativised to morphosyntactic properties will be argued as conceptually inferior to the purely phonological model of grammar put forth. Upon analysis of Icelandic imperative formation, an approach appealing stringently to phonological properties will prove infeasible in light of data neutralising any such phonological triggers; requiring rather lexicalisation and the utility of a transderivational constraint, as incited by the uniformity effects of paradigm levelling. The cogency of these analyses will further suggest that analytic disparities distinguishing between Swedish and Icelandic gaps are irreconcilable in that the systematicities driving phonotactically-motivated and lexically-arbitrary paradigm gaps are markedly at odds.

Argument structure of Czech event nominals.

Procházková, Věra — 2006-06-18T22:00:00Z

Procházková, Věra
The aim of this work is to contribute to the deeper insight into the internal structure of nominal phrase and the typology of its derivation. After sketching the general theoretical framework in the first chapter and after giving an overview of various types of nominals and distinct approaches to their analysis in chapter 2, I focus on one particular group of deverbal nominals in Czech, namely event-denoting nominals in -(e)ní/tí. Chapters 3 and 4 present an in depth investigation of verb-like versus noun-like properties of these nominals. Finally, in chapter 5 I provide the account of Czech -(e)ní/tí nominals in terms of an articulated functional architecture. My basic argument will be that a proper analysis of eventive nominals necessitates the presence of the extended VP (including VoiceP/vP and AspP but not IP) within the NP.

Measure prefixes in Czech. Cumulative na- and delimitative po-

Součková, Kateřina — 2004-06-14T22:00:00Z

Součková, Kateřina
The thesis deals with two of the most interesting quantificational verbal prefixes (measure prefixes) in Czech, namely po- and na-. Po- means essentially ‘a little’ or ‘relatively small quantity’, na- contributes the notion of ‘relatively large quantity’, it means something like ‘a lot’. Although their semantics seems to be of the same type (just the polarity is opposite), the claim is that the two prefixes are structurally different. What is common to the prefixes is that both po- and na- attach to different classes of verbs, yielding slightly different interpretations depending on that. However, the claim is that both po- and na- are the same prefixes in all the constructions presented in the thesis – the differences can be accounted for by virtue of the interaction between the prefixes and different types of verbal predicates, all of them referring to events of gradual change. The core of the analysis offered is to describe possibly precisely the meaning of the prefixes (using the notion of extensive measure function) and their impact on the delimitation of events. A useful tool here appears to be the notion of scale. Using a scalar model, then, the proposal is that po- and na- are elements applying to events of gradual change, measuring/delimiting the events by measuring/delimiting intervals on scales (that are relevant for the delimitation status of a given type of event). Finally, the distinction between delimitation and telicity is introduced and illustrated on the cases of po- and na-verbs. The claim is that the in an hour test tests for telicity (as defined in the thesis) and not for delimitation, explaining the status of so called ‘short while’ po-verbs, which are, then, delimited, though atelic.

Afrikaans verb clusters. A functional-head analysis

de Vos, Mark — 2001-09-06T22:00:00Z

de Vos, Mark
This dissertation examines verb cluster transparency phenomena in Afrikaans. Special attention is paid to aspectual and posture verbs, the so-called Direct and Indirect Linking Verbs. Transparency phenomena are analysed using a Cinque-esque (1999) hierarchy of functional verbs. Chapter One introduces Cinque's (1999) analysis of Italian transparency phenomena as being the product of a hierarchy of functional verbs. It is demonstrated that a functional hierarchy can also explain West-Germanic (including Afrikaans) transparency phenomena such as NP scrambling, super passives, long extraposition and quantifier scope. The hierarchy can also be used to explain the passivisation properties of certain classes of Afrikaans restructuring verbs. Chapter Two explores the relative orders of projections within the Afrikaans functional hierarchy. A number of tests are utilised to determine the relative orders of different restructuring verbs within the functional hierarchy. Chapter Three discusses the syntactic structures associated with restructuring verbs in Afrikaans vis a vis the functional hierarchy. Special attention is paid to the derivation of so-called Complex Initials in Afrikaans where a verb string undergoes V2. An analysis in terms of Chomsky's phase theory is explored. Data is presented that suggests that a stronger version of the Phase Impenetrability Condition should be implemented. Chapter Four examines the implications a functional-head analysis has for verbal inflection, with special emphasis on the IPP effect in West-Germanic. It is argued on the basis of participle-marking of inseparable verb prefixes in some Afrikaans dialects that Afrikaans has a different structure associated with participle marking than do German and Dutch. This difference allows the participle marker to occur on the embedded verb in dialects such as Kharkhams and Griekwa Afrikaans. Since the marker is subject to relativised minimality, it is also able to undergo head movement, a phenomenon which results in optional IPP in Afrikaans.